Natallia Radzina: Putin And Lukashenka's Press Conference In The Kremlin Was Staged
- 14.03.2025, 19:52
Dictators are provoking a harsh response from the West.
Charter97.org Editor-in-Chief Natallia Radzina gave a big interview to the YouTube channel of renowned journalist Yevgeny Kiselev.
The main topics of conversation are Lukashenka's visit to the Kremlin and a joint press conference between Putin and the Belarusian dictator.
Yevgeny Kiselev inquired whether U.S. Presidential Special Representative Steve Whitkoff was in Moscow on the same day as Lukashenka. Natallia Radzina believes that this is a coincidence, but Putin used Lukashenka's arrival for his own purposes:
— Lukashenka's visit was announced last week, while negotiations between the U.S. and Ukraine took place in Jeddah this Tuesday. When Ukraine agreed to a 30-day ceasefire, Trump sent Whitkoff to Moscow.
I think Lukashenka's visit was appropriate there. No wonder the meeting with the Belarusian dictator took place on the eve of the meeting with Whitkoff. After all, according to the idea, the Russian president should first meet with the special representative of the US president, but Putin preferred him to talk with his main ally, coaggressor in the war against Ukraine Lukashenka.
Judging by the press conference held in the Kremlin, Lukashenka and Putin discussed further interaction between the Russian and Belarusian armies in the war against Ukraine. The statements of the two dictators showed that Russia would continue the war with the active assistance of the Belarusian dictator. This is confirmed by the exchange of instruments of ratification of the Treaty on Security Assurances within the framework of the "union state".
It became obvious to me that Putin refuses to agree to a 30-day ceasefire. He immediately began to talk about "successes in the Kursk region", "the capture of Sudzha" and "problems at the front for Ukrainians", that allegedly the truce would be beneficial for Ukraine. According to him, Russia has no intention of agreeing to that.
Thus, one should not harbor any illusions that the U.S. President's persuasion will lead Putin to end the war. This is obvious to both Ukraine and Europe, which has finally woken up and announced the creation of a serious defence alliance.
A Belarusian journalist spoke about possible topics of negotiations between Putin and Lukashenka:
— Probably, Putin and Lukashenka could discuss (and this will be transferred to US Special Envoy Whitkoff) that Russian military bases will be located on the territory of Belarus, which is implied by the Treaty on Security Guarantees within the framework of the "union state".
The deployment of nuclear weapons and the expansion of the Russian troops could be discussed. This was previously stated by both President of Ukraine Zelensky and the Institute for the Study of War. The ISW report reads that 10-12 divisions — about 100,000 Russian troops — could be deployed on the territory of our country.
Experts' opinions on nuclear weapons differ. Most likely, it is not physically present in Belarus yet, since special storage facilities have not been built in the country. However, it is possible that money will be invested in their construction (or it has already happened), and tactical nuclear missiles will appear on the territory of my country.
I think that in response to this, nuclear missiles will be deployed in Poland, as already stated by President Andrzej Duda. He asks the United States to redeploy its nuclear weapons. We know that France is offering its nuclear umbrella to European countries. French nuclear weapons may appear in Romania and in Poland too. A response to the provocative actions of Putin and Lukashenka will follow immediately.
They could discuss the issue of Belarusian troops entering the territory of Ukraine as "peacekeepers". But we are well aware that this is an army allied to Russia. Military personnel from the Russia-controlled CSTO cannot be mediators, let alone peacekeepers. If we are talking about a real truce, then peacekeeping troops from the European Union and NATO — France, Great Britain — should be deployed on the territory of Ukraine.
The Editor-in-Chief of Charter97.org draws attention to the staged nature of the statements of the two dictators:
— There is a feeling that the press conference between Putin and Lukashenka was held so that the Russian dictator could express his position on the likelihood of a truce between Russia and Ukraine. Pre-prepared and approved questions from journalists in the presidential press pools were asked. Apparently, at this time, the special envoy of the US president was forced to wait in the corridor when the two dictators would hold meetings and press conferences, which, in general, did not matter. The security agreement was signed back in December.
They meet only to exchange letters of ratification or sign documents about the equal rights of citizens of the "union state," an agreement on "measures to protect citizens from unjust persecution by foreign states" (which, as I understand, is a response to the arrest warrant issued for Putin by The Hague and the potential issuance of a similar warrant for Lukashenka).
Natallia Radzina believes that Trump will still switch to tough pressure on the Putin regime:
— As soon as Trump came to power, if you remember, we discussed that the American president would do everything possible to persuade Putin to end the war peacefully. However, he will not achieve this, because Russia has completely different geostrategic plans. In the end, the United States will have to take the most decisive measures — and tighten the existing sanctions, and arm Ukraine, and reduce oil prices, which Trump spoke about during his election campaign. And this will certainly be able to stop the war, because it will lead to the destruction of Russia’s military-economic potential.
Yevgeny Kiselyov drew attention to Trump's phrase that "only the US president knows why Putin will make concessions." Natallia Radzina put forward her version of what Trump may know:
— I think the US president understands the real state of the Russian economy. It is extremely difficult for Russia to wage this war. There are problems with both weapons and personnel. The Russian authorities are afraid to carry out mobilization, fearing public unrest. After all, fewer and fewer people are willing to go to war in Ukraine, despite the large payments.
The arms race, which Russia has already entered, will exhaust both the Belarusian and Russian regimes. Even at the press conference of Putin and Lukashenka, the question of 800 billion euros to be invested in the defence of Europe was raised. They care a lot about it. Russia is going to build up its military industry, killing its economy. Trump is well aware of this. And if, together with this, tough sanctions are imposed on the energy sector, and oil prices fall, Putin's regime will collapse.
Yevgeny Kiselyov asked if the Belarusian dictator could go to the Kremlin for money. Natallia Radzina confirms this version:
— Lukashenka also went for new loans. It is obvious that in exchange for this comprehensive support that the dictator provides to Russia, he would like to receive energy resources, oil and gas at low prices, interest-free loans that have been fueling the regime's economy for many years.
Putin confirmed at their press conference that Russia will continue to subsidize the Belarusian economy, and oil and gas will be supplied at extremely favorable prices for the Belarusian regime. In exchange, of course, Russia will use Belarus as a training ground, and threats will continue to come from our territory both to Ukraine and to the Baltic countries and Poland.
Yevgeny Kiselyov expressed the opinion that the issue of replacing Lukashenka could be discussed at the meeting in the Kremlin. The Editor-in-Chief of Charter97.org denies the possibility of such an issue:
— Putin will not replace the old proven Lukashenka, because this will lead to the destruction of the carefully constructed vertical of power and destabilization of the situation in the country. I should point out that this was the dictator's first visit to the Russian Federation following the falsified "elections" in Belarus, which were widely boycotted by Belarusians. Lukashenka boasted that 86% of the population allegedly voted for him. It is clear to everyone that the figures are absolutely false, everyone saw empty polling stations in Minsk and in other Belarusian cities. Despite pressure and threats, Belarusians did not vote for the dictator. It was a huge slap in the face of Lukashenka.
Lukashenka showed even greater inadequacy when he told Putin that, they say, "look how many people voted for me", "they also voted for me in enemy Poland". And there was supposedly a record of voter turnout. He is not aware that there was no voting abroad. It was clear that all the people in exile would vote against Lukashenka. However, the dictator does not know this either. He lives in his own parallel world.
Natalla Radzina notes that Lukashenka looked unhealthy in the Kremlin:
— He no longer fits in the frame, he's out of breath, and it's hard for him to speak while standing. Serious health problems are obvious — lungs, heart, other chronic diseases. But Lukashenka is "sick of power", he does not imagine himself outside the post of president, although he is not a president at all, but a usurper. Lukashenka is constantly afraid that someone may replace him.
The other day, the Prime Minister was replaced in Belarus. For five years, the government was headed by Roman Halavchenka, who came to this position from the post of head of the defence industry, a graduate of MGIMO. For a long time, all experts believed that he could become Lukashenka's successor. If not a successor — a protégé of Moscow. Replace the dictator when he is unable to perform his duties or becomes useless. However, Lukashenka hastily introduced changes to the Constitution. If the head of state cannot perform his duties, he is now replaced by the chairman of the "council of the republic", but not by the prime minister.
Lukashenka removed Prime Minister Halavchenka so that he, along with the administrative weight, would not acquire a political one. The new prime minister, Aliaksandr Turchyn, is a completely safe figure for Lukashenka.
Yevgeny Kiselyov recalled a possible deal between the United States and Lukashenka, which was reported by The New York Times. Natallia Radzina sees no signs that these arrangements are working:
— Like I said, the deal didn't happen. Lukashenka will not release significant figures, leaders of the Belarusian opposition, in exchange for any "carrots" from the United States. It was assumed that sanctions on Belarusian potash could be lifted, but without the abolition of similar restrictions by Europe, Lukashenka will not bring any benefits.
He is not ready to release the leaders of the Belarusian opposition, such as Mikalai Statkevich, presidential candidate Viktar Babaryka, and well-known blogger Siarhei Tsikhanouski. Lukashenka understands that these people pose a threat to him.
At the end of the conversation, Natallia Radzina said that without strong pressure on Russia and comprehensive assistance to Ukraine, there will be no truce:
— One must understand the cunning and danger of Putin's regime. It is important to know that in the long run they are not going to stop the war. Yes, perhaps Putin will agree to these 30 days of truce (although I doubt it), but we know that the war will continue, he will not abandon attempts to seize Ukraine.
I was inspired by the meeting of the chiefs of general staffs of European countries, where it was stated that there would be no "new Yalta", there would be no new redivision of the world. There will be no withdrawal of any countries — Ukraine or Belarus — under the influence of Russia. There will be no "Minsk agreements", which ended in failure, because Ukraine was not provided with serious security guarantees. This means that Europe draws conclusions from its mistakes. And the United States will be forced to realize the fact that the main threat on the European continent is the Putin regime and its ally Lukashenka. Americans and Europeans will have to confront these challenges.